OPINION: Julia Suryakusuma, the author of Julia’s Jihad, tries to untangle the contradictions of press freedom in Indonesia with the unrelenting stranglehold on West Papua amid controversy over the continuing detention of two French journalists.

When you are a journalist, you know that following your journalistic instincts sometimes means big trouble.

That’s why a slew of films have been made on this topic, including: The Killing Fields (1984) a drama about the civil war in Cambodia; The China Syndrome (1979), an American thriller about the dangers of nuclear power; and Veronica Guerin, a 2003 biographical Irish film about the drug trade in Dublin.

These three films were all based on true stories.

The characters of Dith Pran (Haing S. Ngor), Sydney Schanberg (Sam Waterson), Kimberly Wells (Jane Fonda), Richard Adams (Michael Douglas) and the eponymous character of Veronica Guerin (Cate Blanchett), all risked their lives in their pursuit of the truth — the ultimate aim of investigative journalism. For that Guerin also paid the ultimate price: She was murdered in 1996.

I reckon a film entitled Live from Papua could also be made about the two French journalists, Valentine Bourrat and Thomas Dandois, who have been detained in Papua since August 6 this year. They were arrested while filming the conditions in which the local population lives.

The trouble was, they were there on tourist visas.

So when the authorities caught them not long after they arrived, it would have been pretty easy to hit them with immigration violations and deport them.

A clear-cut case, huh?

Still detained

So how come two months later they are still being detained, especially after they admitted they were working without press visas and have apologised? It turns out that because Bourrat and Dandois had contacted local pro-independence activists, seeking to film their demands, they are facing the possibility of subversion charges.

If brought to trial, they could face up to five years in jail and a fine of up to Rp 500 million (US$41,000). Heavy stuff.

The Alliance of Indonesian Journalists (AJI) has condemned the detention of the two French journalists. They say that it adds to the long list of the failures of the government of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono when it comes to press freedom in Indonesia.

There is certainly precedent for this sort of thing.

In 2010, another French journalist, Baudoein Koening, was also kicked out.

Unlike Bourrat and Dandois, he was legit: He came with a press visa. His crime was filming a peaceful student demonstration in favor of autonomy.

According to Endy M. Bayuni, former editor-in-chief of The Jakarta Post, it has always been very difficult to get permission to go to Papua as a journalist.

‘Go slow’

Even when international news agencies like Agence France-Press (AFP), Reuters or Associated Press (AP) journalists apply, it can take more than a year to get a visa.

This “go slow” approach enables the government to deny there is a ban on foreign journalists visiting Papua.

Tourists on the other hand, can travel freely in Papua. No wonder so many journalists come to Indonesia using a tourist visa. They just have to be careful not to get caught.

Bourrat and Dandois were unlucky. They came at a time when tension and violence were at a peak, with five separatist rebels shot dead in an exchange of gunfire with the Indonesian military just a few days earlier.

The political transition was another factor, with local military authorities exploiting the gap between the end of the Yudhoyono administration and the start of that of Joko “Jokowi” Widodo.

Benjamin Ismail, head of the Asia-Pacific desk of the Paris-based Reporters Without Borders (RWB) has a take on this.

“For the local authorities it might be the last opportunity to send a big message internationally not only to foreign journalists but also to human-rights activists, NGOs and even the UN, as they have tried to send inspectors in the region,” says Ismail.

Foreigner blackout

The reality is that there has been a foreign-media blackout imposed on Papua whereby the central government has restricted the access of journalists, activists, researchers, diplomats and aid workers ever since it was annexed by Indonesia in 1963.

Yet this has not prevented Papua’s separatist movement from becoming well known. Activists are jailed for raising the banned separatist flag, and security forces are heavy-handed, engaging in abuse, violence and even torture.

Despite Papua’s vast natural wealth, most Papuans live in extreme poverty. Is it any wonder they are resentful and want independence?

Indonesia ranks 132 on the RWB press freedom index, lower than Thailand (at 130), and Brunei (at 117). Ismail says that Indonesia’s rank would be much higher if Papua were excluded. They do that for Hong Kong (60) and Taiwan (50), which rank much higher than China (175).

Ismail points out that in 2006 Indonesia ratified the International Covenant for Civil and Political Rights. It therefore must be implemented as part of Indonesian law.

The covenant says you cannot discriminate regarding the entry of foreign journalists, especially to sensitive regions where there are allegations of human-rights abuse.

Ah well, it certainly isn’t the first time Indonesia has ratified an international convention and then not applied it domestically.

After his expulsion, Koening wrote of his experience: “Why does Indonesian democracy stop at Papua?” (The Guardian, June 9, 2010).

The answer is that since its annexation, Papua was basically set up as a colony. This has been the case under every single Indonesian government since 1963.

Will things change with Jokowi? While campaigning in Papua, our incoming president stated that the region’s development was a priority program for his Cabinet and he was committed to implementing it immediately after his inauguration on Oct. 20. He also promised to open Papua to journalists.

Will it finally be possible then, to shoot Live from Papua?

Source: The Jakarta Post

Samoa continues the momentum to a Tobacco Free Pacific by 2025 by enacting a regulation forcing manufacturers to display health warning and graphic images on all tobacco products. These new measures will be enforced on 1 November 2014 through the Tobacco Control Regulations (2013) under the law.

Other regulations include the prohibition of tobacco product advertising, organising or promoting any activity using trademarks of tobacco products in Samoa and of sale to minors under the age of 21.

Samoa has been a long-time supporter of the move to a Tobacco Free Pacific as part of the move to control non-communicable diseases (NCDS) in the Pacific. According to regional statistics, NCDS account for 75% of all deaths in the Pacific and smoking is one of the major contributors to NCDS.

Samoa is well placed to play a leading role when the Tobacco Free Pacific campaign initiative was launched at the Joint Forum Economic and Pacific Health Ministers Meeting in, Solomon Islands in July this year.

The ambitious campaign aims to reduce smoking in the region to at least 5% by the year 2025. Currently in the Pacific the adult daily tobacco use prevalence is as high as 54.8%. Exposure to second hand smoke in the Pacific is also high. Data from the Global Youth Tobacco Survey indicate that rates of youth exposure in the home range from 56.8% in one country to as high as 76% in another.

Many would question its achievability but the campaign is determined by its official slogan “It can be done”.

Samoa’s been laying its legal structures from early 2000. It became signatory to the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC) in 2003, and ratifying it two years later in 2005. To enable the convention locally, the Samoa parliament enacted the Tobacco Control Act in 2008 with the aims: to protect people from ill-effects and premature death caused by tobacco use; protect non-smokers from exposure to tobacco smoke; regulate marketing, advertising, sale, promotion and distribution of tobacco products; and to monitor and regulate the presence of harmful constituents in tobacco products.

Also, in line with recommendations from World Health Organization (WHO) for excise tax to be at least 70% of the retail price of all tobacco products – as a way to reduce consumption – Samoa has greatly increased the excise tax on tobacco products in recent years.

A recent assessment by Samoa’s Ministry of Revenue indicates the country has achieved or surpassed the target.

 

 

By Poto Williams

The Labour Party Pacific caucus has welcomed Jenny Salesa of Manukau East and Carmel Sepuloni of Kelston, successful MP’s in the recent General Election and reflects the high calibre pacific candidates that contested including those who were unsuccessful, Jerome Mika, Lemalu Herman Retzlaff and Anahila Kanongata’a-Suisuiki

Salesa and Sepuloni join Poto Williams (Chch East), Kris Faafoi (Mana) and the head of the caucus Su’a William Sio (Māngere) that provides not only a good representation across Pacific nations but coverage across the country as well.

While final counts are yet to be confirmed, the National party only have 2 Pacific MP’s, Peseta Sam Lotu Iiga and Alfred Ngaro, while Fia Turner waits to see if she is successful on the list.

Sepuloni returns to Parliament where she can renew her commitment to improving educational and health outcomes for marginalised and vulnerable groups. Salesa brings a strong sense of advocacy for a fair and just society as well as opportunities for all New Zealanders with a wealth of public sector experience and a strong background in community contribution.

The head of the Pacific caucus Sua William Sio is excited with the team and its prospects. “its historic and it’s a step in the right direction. Its a new beginning which is a step towards achieving our ultimate dreams and aspirations. Making sure we have good people at the very top”.

The members of the 51^st Parliament will be sworn in 20^th October 2014.

This is a significant development in international climate policy making. However, we must throw caution to the winds noting that similar pledges in the past, such as those made under the Kyoto Protocol, did not result in real global emissions reductions. Pene Lefale.

The international profile of the Pacific has never been higher at the United Nations. But will that translate into currency for climate change mitigation and sustainable development initiatives after the UN’s General Assembly (UNGA), and Ban Ki Moon’s two-day Climate Summit last week?

There is optimism that the corner has changed and the Pacific is in line to finally gain real support come the Paris 2015 climate meeting.

Optimism last week came from various climate groups and independent experts that after 11 gruelling hours of announcements, pledges and promises in the UN’s New York headquarters, the wheels on the climate change bandwagon had finally been set in motion.

They said that investments geared towards greener and blue economies, low carbon pathways, deforestation will be stopped, and the most vulnerable communities and poorer nations will be supported in their efforts to mitigate greenhouse gas emissions and adapt to climate change effects. But the questions remain about how much will all that mean in terms of emissions cuts and slowing down global climate changes remain.

But there were areas of clarity that augurs well for positive climate change going forward and the lot for Pacific nations.

According to Catherine Brahic reporting for New Scientist, “What is clear is that the emissions cuts that governments have so far committed to add up to around 3.5^oC of global warming, well above the internationally agreed target of 2^oC. What is not clear is whether the promises made in New York are merely a means to meet existing government pledges, or something extra on top.”

David Waskow of the World Resources Institute in Washington DC said, “It’s critically important that we do the accounting.” He points out that there is now a new range of actors – the private sector.

“It’s very exciting but we need to figure out how all the pieces fit together.”

From a Pacific perspective this is a move in the right direction according to Penehuro Lefale, one of the New Zealand scientists that won the Nobel Peace Prize in 2007. Now the International Climate and Policy Analyst at Bodeker Scientific based in Wellington, Mr Lefale told Pacific Guardians, “This is a significant development in international climate policy making.”

However, he cautions about such positive developments noting that similar pledges in the past, such as those made under the Kyoto Protocol, did not result in real global emissions reductions. He points to the fact that global emissions continued to increase since the adoption of the Kyoto Protocol in 1997.

Said Lefale, “For example, global emissions jumped 2.3 per cent in 2013 to record levels, according to latest figures released by the Global Carbon Project and published in the journal Nature Geoscience.

“However, the 2013 emissions growth was a bit slower than the average growth rate of 2.5 percent over the past decade. Much of the dip was caused by an economic slowdown in China, which is now the world’s single largest source of emissions.”

Lefale also observed that June 2014 marked the first time that the average levels of carbon dioxide were about 400 parts per million for three months in a row, according to the American Meteorological Society (AMS). The AMS predicts those levels are likely to reach an average of 405 parts per million within a few years.

But last week was quite possibly the best ever profiling and promotion of the Pacific at the United Nations.

The raised Pacific familiarity at the UN rests on three Pacific words that became part of mainstream conversations at the UN General Assembly, and at Ban Ki Moon’s two-day Climate Summit.

The words were “Samoa” and “Matafele Peinem”. The three appeared in UN titles and presentations; were highlighted, endorsed and embedded in concept, conference and official papers; and spoken through lips and sign-language of interpreters and translators speaking the UN’s six official languages simultaneously.

Samoa because that was the Pacific nation where 115 of the UN’s 192 members spent five-days just three weeks ago. The first time the conference on Small Island States (SIDS2014) was held in the Pacific region.

And one of its most enduring image would be of Secretary General ban ki Moon accepting the Samoan high chief title of Tupua from the village of Saleapaga.

It was in Samoa that UN members signed onto the SAMOA (Small Island Developing States Accelerated Modalities of Action) Pathway. A formal outcome document that now includes a registry of nearly 300 partnerships involving 166 countries, 85 international organization and 1,200 major groups all focused on ways to boost the capacity of small island states to achieve sustainable development.

Collectively the Samoa Pathway will mobilize more than USD$1.9 billion, “Many of the initiatives announced are looking at the unique position of small island developing states as an opportunity to accelerate advancements on renewable energy, disaster preparedness and sustainable food systems, to name just a few key areas,” Mr Wu Hongbo, the SIDS2014 Conference Secretary General said.

It is to date, the most expensive and logistically, the most complex conference ever undertaken by a Pacific nation. But according to Samoa Prime Minister, Tuilaepa Sailele Naioti Malielegoai, it was well worth it.

“…the outcome justified the effort. You have to come here and you have to appreciate our reality,” he said at the conference closing ceremony.

‘Matafele Peinem’ is a poem by Marshall Islands poet Kathy Jetnil-Kijiner. Selected from 544 others in a global UN search to find a voice representing civil society, Matafele Peinem became that clarion call at Ban Ki Moon’s Summit.

Kathy captivated world leaders as she testified to the stark reality of climate change and its impacts not only in the Pacific, but other vulnerable nations around the world.

The two-day UN climate change summit drew speeches of warnings and proposals from business and world leaders, including President Obama.

UN officials also submitted ambitious programs in agriculture, forestry, energy, transportation and finance, to fight the greenhouse gasses blamed for contributing to climate change.

All of this is being geared to the climate change conference in Paris next year, aimed to produce a new international agreement on climate change to succeed the 1997 Kyoto Protocol. It will be hosted by the French government, who said on Tuesday [23 September] that it will lead by example. It pledged $1 billion to the Green Climate Fund, matching a pledge made by Germany last summer.

A few other countries also pledged to support the fund, which will channel funding from rich nations to poor ones to help them prepare for global warming. By the end of the day, $2.3 billion had been promised, all of which was new money except for Germany’s contribution.

But the politics of climate change are toxic according to many climate change political experts.

One of them, Doreen Stabinsky, a professor at the College of the Atlantic explained, “It’s hard to step into the international space when many countries, like the U.S., have trouble agreeing at home on what to do.”

This is the situation mirrored in New Zealand as well.

Prof Stabinsky added that making a strong commitment to climate change efforts is difficult for many nations because they would have to admit responsibility for climate change, something she said many countries are loath to do.

It is not lost that this ‘toxic political’ environment has killed off recent efforts, such as 2009′s meeting in Copenhagen, Denmark, leaving behind broken promises and documents unsigned, raise questions on how much will actually get done and why any meaningful outcomes have eluded vulnerable nations like Samoa and the Marshall Islands to the much needed financial help to protect them from the impacts of climate change.

But since last week’s UN meetings, there is an increase in real hope that Paris 2015 will be the real deal.

And it desperately needs to be so as already parts of Kiribati are submerged, those parts of their heritage and history joining the mythical city of Atlantis. There are many others with similar threats to existence.

Even some positive news earlier this year of a Tuvalu family that found a legal way through humanitarian grounds in which climate change featured and were granted permanent residence in New Zealand may be short-lived. Without doubt, the judge in that case hinted that hole could well be stitched up rather than open up.

In other small island region’s the tale is the same.

Grenada’s Minister for Foreign Affairs, Nickolas Steele, told the UN that climate shocks are amongst the “most terrifying” for his country and other small islands around the world and because of those risks, island states must be granted concessionary financing.

Due to high import costs of fossil fuels, electricity in Grenada costs 4 to 5 times higher than in developed countries. He said Grenada cannot educate its people, if its school children have no access to electricity. Islands like Grenada come to the climate table, “not like hapless victims with cap-in-hand”. Renewables must be implemented in the Islands with zero subsidies.

It is these realities that were at the heart of Samoa Prime Minister Tuilaepa Sailele Naioti’s fight to bring the UN to his small Pacific nation of Samoa in September 2014.

A monumental hosting event where the entire country was turned into one conference hall with villages becoming conference wings for the various multilevel meetings taking place.

An ingenious strategy that allowed as many of the 115 UN members and their delegations to see as much of Samoa and its vulnerabilities to the impacts climate change as much as possible.

But that achievement was not enough for Samoa’s indomitable leader’s quest to catalyse developed countries into climate change action.

He showed Samoa was not prepared to rest on the success of the SIDS2014 conference by bringing that as a feather to its cap as its report to the UN General Assembly 17 days later – no that wouldn’t do.

Tuilaepa raised the bar further for such a small nation with minimal greenhouse gas emissions by using the UNGA to announce a new energy transformation initiative.

In his concluding remarks Tuilaepa announced, “I am therefore pleased to launch today [23 September] the SIDS Lighthouses initiative. A joint effort by SIDS and partners, and supported by the International Renewable Energy Agency, the Lighthouses initiative provides a framework for action to move away from a piecemeal approach and transform our energy systems through a structured, holistic and sustainable approach, taking into account medium and long-term requirements and impacts, and ensures that the requisite institutional and human capacity is in place.

“Our commitment to energy transformation through deployment of renewable energy is evident. In just three months, 22 SIDS have joined the Lighthouses initiative. We are heartened by the fact that 12 development partners have committed to support us in this effort and we invite you all to join us in this journey.

“The success of the SIDS Lighthouses will not be measured by giga-tons of reduced emissions.   It will be measured by the commitment of all of us to act in the effort to transform the SIDS’ energy systems. Renewable energy holds the key to stabilizing the climate system and we are ready to lead the way in the transition to a sustainable future because, for many SIDS, this is not only a matter of development and prosperity, but also survival.”

Actions speak louder than words, and there is hope from all small island developing states that their big actions will form the backbone of positive global warming actions by the big developed nations in a 2015 Paris Treaty.

By Alan Ah Mu

As the Wellington Lions capitulated in the ITM cup, the Wellington Samoans ended the rugby season jubilant.

In the last game of the year they wrecked Manawatu Development’s trip to Porirua Park by beating them 42-24 last Saturday.

That win hoisted the team to second place in the Hurricane’s Region tournament.

Eventual winners Wellington Development beat Wellington Samoans earlier in the tournament but the boys rallied to record wins over other rivals Hawkes Bay Development and Manawatu Development yesterday.

Coach Logan Tauiliili was a happy man.

It was the second week his side had played well after their win over Hawkes Bay Development the previous week.

After going through the Rugby Festival tournament winless, his boys came close to winning the Hurricanes tournament in their first year of taking part.

“And that’s pretty good for us,” Tauiliili said after the game yesterday.

“I’m proud of them, they did very well,” he said.

The win ended a season which started badly in the Rugby Festival tournament.

Wellington Samoans struggled to maintain a stable side as players moved out to represent other teams like Wellington Lions.

“It was hard to get continuity,” Tauiliili said.

Talent was no problem.

“As you can see here we can play.”

Wellington Lions and other age group teams of the region take first pick of players – and that’s how Wellington Samoan Rugby Union (WSRU) wants it to be.

Wellington Samoans is all about developing players for higher honours.

Yesterday in a post-game speech, WSRU president To’omata Frank Collins told the players he did not want to see them back in the team next year.

Next year he wants to see them on television playing in the NPC, To’omata said.

“That’s the use of this thing (Wellington Samoans team),” he said.

“Don’t come here to loaf and look for a wife.”

At 2:30pm today, embattled Labour leader David Cunliffe will face media and make a public announcement about his future.

But for me, it’s been a six month wait to put pen to paper and write about this General Election.

Granted it looks as if the dust will take a wee bit longer to settle, but believe this is the right time to share a personal view of the elections, provide a part explanation for such a disastrous Labour result, and what hope is there for us Pacific islanders moving forward.

But first up, a big congratulation to all successful Pacific Island candidates who are now elected Members of Parliament. This 51^st term of New Zealand’s parliament will see seven, possibly eight, Pacific islanders in the Legislative Assembly. An historic feat since Taito Phillip Field became our first Labour MP 21 years ago.

As in any war, there will be casualties, whether by enemy or friendly fire. And in this 2014 elections, Leaufa’amulia Asenati Lole-Taylor became a friendly fire casualty when the NZ First party decided to drop her down from eight, to 16 on their list. It was a drop 5-places too far to see the return of the unconventional lady from the Samoan village of Safa’atoa Lefaga.

There were also the also-rans like: Herman Retzlaff, (Lab), Anahila Suisuiki, (Lab), Jerome Mika (Lab), Mataroa Paroro (NZ First) and others who gave it their all.

While Misa Fia Turner, currently sitting on the borderline, could well make it into parliament if special votes go National’s way. But more on Misa Fia later in our column.

It’s now a week after the elections, Pacific islanders will be celebrating this historic milestone – and rightly so. At the same time, it gives us pause to reflect and assess the calibre and strength of our voice in parliament truly is, from a Labour perspective and ask ourserlves: What can the Labour Party achieve with five Pacific MPs in Parliament?

How important are we, as Pacific MPs, and our Pacific vote to the Labour Party?

Being in opposition for a further three years, is it going to be more of the same to 2017? Or is this a sign of better things to come?

To better understand, one has to reflect upon our history; about how Pacific Islanders got a voice in the Labour Party, it gives us reference points to see that the signs to a disasterous 2014 results was actually not a surprise.

For instance, back in 2012 I started seeing signs of a bad omen. The subtle and concerning signal for me was Labour not moving assertively to reaffirm its historical connection with Pacific communities, more significantly, with us Samoans.

Why this jolted me was it was so out of sync with what Labour did in 2002. In 2002, to commemorate the 40^th Anniversary of Samoa’s Independence, Helen Clark, then Prime Minister went to Samoa to deliver an apology on behalf of New Zealand. She formally and publically apologised for the inept actions of its Colonial administration that resulted in the Influenza epidemic that killed off more than 20 per cent of our population; and the shooting and killing of Mau leader Tupua Tamasese Lealofi III and eleven Mau supporters on 28 December 1929.

Yet, just a mere ten years later, in 2012, Labour decided not to do anything to commemorate Samoa’s Golden Jubilee Independence Celebration for which those Samoans in the Mau Movement gave their lives.

To me, it pointed towards a disconnect between Labour and us Samoans, and from the looks of things, a growing disconnect heading to the 2014 elections.

Further evidence of these concerns is the generation that grew up under New Zealand’s Colonial administration and their children are ageing, but their descendants have little to no knowledge of the historical connection with Labour. They do not know the story and Labour’s intimate and significant role in Samoa’s independence movement.

This younger generation also has a higher proportion in mixed marriages, thus bringing in other relationships that are not necessarily part of the mainstream Pacific psyche which means the historical connection becomes even more diluted.

Another event in 2013 that pointed to a growing disconnect was the Christchurch East by-election.

Poto Williams’ (of Cook Island descent) milestone achievement in winning the by election is of huge historical significance. Yet in celebrating her victory, both the Labour Leader and President failed to mention in their speeches that Ms Williams is the first eveer Pacific electoral MP for the South Island; and the first female Cook Islander to be an elected MP in New Zealand parliament. Also of note was the public ommission by both Leader and President to thank the Samoan Community and its leadership for uniting behind Poto’s campaign. Cunliffe it seemed had forgotten the Pacific contribution in his eagerness to become attractive to middle income voters.

By February 2014, I could see that Labour was totally focused on pursuing middle income voters, and willing to sacrifice Pacific and low income voters if that was the price. Historically, you win middle income NZ, you win the general election, so fair enough, but what concerned me more was that Labour was operating on a “we cannot do anything for our people because we are in the opposition” line.

This mantra toed by our Pacific spokesperson was something that I took not as a defeatist Labour attitude, but more alarmingly, one of surrender way before the election.

What then became a real concern was Labour’s leadership taking Pacific voters for granted. I could see that Pacific voters were given the choice to vote on “tribal” lines instead of voting on issues, as was the case in the 2005 election which Labour won.

To be fair, there were those in high places of the Labour Party that shared my concerns and took seriously my warning of a likely scenario where Pacific voters would vote Labour with their Electorate vote; but gave their party vote to another party. I called this “skimming” the party vote.

As it turned out, the 2014 results showed that other than Mangere, all Labour Electorate MPs did not have a high party vote return for Labour. In short, the very middle income voter the Labour leadership was desperately after, were not inspired to give their vote to Labour. It did not help that, once again, about a million voters decided not to cast their votes. That is also another gross indictment on leader David Cunliffe’s who at the 2013 Labour Conference made a bold promise that “Labour will campaign to inspire the missing 800,000 voters in 2011 to come out and vote for Labour”.

2013 was to be General Election 2014 preparation year for Labour but it was wasted trying to sort out its leadership problems.

Meantime, Pacific leaders who supported Cunliffe became concerned that he was at the heart of all the undermining of Phil Goff and David Shearer. This did not bode well…an ill omen. This was very much part of the Samoan psyche that arises from the proverb “O le ala i le pule o le tautua” (The pathway way to leadership is through service). Cunliffe did not serve them well, therefore he does not deserve to lead.

Not long after Cunliffe became leader he went onto make one public gaff and blunder after another which further reinforced the belief in Pacific leaders (and it appears it also affected “mainstream” New Zealanders), that Cunliffe is someone who’s jinxed.

During the campaign, Pacific voters, as expected, did not get the message from Labour. Also noticeable was a smaller than usual army of volunteers for which Labour is renowned for, helping out. Pacific voters love a conversation that develops a narrative that leads to pathways for action/understanding. Labour left this too late and literally opened the door for others to compete for our people’s attention. In short, Labour found themselves trying to convince their own people to keep the faith instead of attracting new voters.

In essence, the Labour campaign became just a high visibility smile and wave without much of a physical street by street, door by door impact needed to get voters out.

The election results also point to MPs not on the list, but have returned to Parliament by winning their electorates. This surely is not a good omen for Labour.

Furthermore no one is stepping forward to take responsibility for the historic loss. How long will this take to sort out?

And so that begs the question: where to from here? Where has our Labour Party gone?

Labour suffering its second worst defeat in history and with Su’a Viliamu coming back to Parliament with the best performance of any Labour MP/Candidate, likely to keep the Pacific Spokesperson role, does not bode well for our people.

For he to say that we (Labour) just cannot do anything until we are in power is outright surrender. It gives the Government and other opposition parties an open invitation to do whatever they want to our people?

The Greens have been successful in opposition, they have influenced some of the Government’s plans with their own over the past six years, so why can’t Labour?

It is why I do not buy this surrender line from Labour mainly because it has opened the door to other parties to make inroads into the Pacific vote.

Labour does not appear to understand that South Auckland is not the start and end of all things Pacific. Only 30 per cent of Pacific islanders live in South Auckland. In total 40 per cent of Pacific islanders live in the wider Auckland Region and 60 per cent are spread thoughout the country.

Pacific people outside of Auckland are starting to assert themselves as a separate identity with the right to voice their own concerns. Christchurch is a prime example of this and they do not, and will not take on Labour’s surrender position.

I admire the leadership our people in Christchurch are showing. With everything lost and with everything to win, they are now working together to give voice to our people in the Christchurch rebuild, contributing constructively to nation building. Surely our people deserve Labour’s support in their fight? Or should they wait around in their cold damp rental houses earning minimum wages if they have a job, until Labour wins?

One elderly Samoan in Otara said, “I must admit that when we had the Labour candidate at our church conference, he correctly told us about the ‘crap life’ we’re living. Yet he doesn’t need to tell us about it because we’re the experts because we’re living neck deep in the crap. He certainly doesn’t live in it. What we needed him to tell us was a solution and what his Party will do to help us out of this mess.”

This is why the surrender position from Labour has driven some of our community leaders to look at making arrangements with National.

As another community leader puts it, “If Labour is waiting until they win to help us, then what choice do we now have? We are defenceless so we have to do something. I feel like a prisoner trying to make the best deal with my jailer.”

Pacific leaders who are traditionally Labour have to be concerned with the never ending leadership battles in the party. Our people are sick of the blame, defeatist attitudes and genuine lack of leadership and understanding about what Labour constituents want.

This current position from Labour has seen not just Pacific voters placing an each way bet of ‘Electoral Vote Labour’, but ‘Party Vote for another Party’. I have been proven wrong to think that this voting pattern would only apply to Pacific voters. It seems like the majority of voters took an each way bet on Labour hence the significant migration of Party vote to NZ First, National and the Greens.

Peseta Sam Lotu-I’iga, most likely will stay on as Minister of Pacific Island Affairs. So we are likely to see him support proposed changes to the Employment Relations Act (ERA) aimed at further casualizing jobs and keeping wages low.

Peseta goes on about all the success of the ‘Rock Star’ economy that National created from the ashes of the Global Financial Collapse. But he completely ignores the fact that most Pacific people are employed in vulnerable jobs.

The kind of jobs that as soon as there is a whiff of a recession, are the first to go. The very jobs that will see little to no pay rises during the recovery period, even when it goes into the “rock star” phase. The more Peseta goes on about the rock star economy, he must remember that most of his people do not see any rock star pay rises nor new rock star jobs.

Pacific unemployment is still double that of the national unemployment figure. So definitely no rock star, just Pacific hardship on the rocks again for another three years.

Child Poverty is a major problem among our people, and the Government appears to be setting up another task force/advisory group to come up with ways to combat Child Poverty. Another classic John Key talk fest on the way I say.

On Sunday, 21st September, Tangata Pasifika’s Marama Papau did an excellent job interviewing all the newly elected Pacific MPs.

If you watch the episode, you make up your own mind as to what the future holds for us Pacific islanders.

For me, I’ll bet my money on Labour Pacific MPs, Jenny Salesa, Carmel Sepuloni and Poto Williams. These women do not look defeated, they definitely do not look like waving a white flag. These women look like they are ready to step into the ring and fight.

If Labour chooses Su’a William Sio to be their Pacific Spokesperson again, our people will not only be serving three years of hard labour under National, but also three years in maximum security under Labour.

It is very plausible that a possible scenario after 2017 we will have a fourth National government.

Already I can see that happening with National making in-roads into the Pacific vote. Labour must come up with a fresh approach. If it’s more of the same then this arrogance will set off a seismic shift in the Pacific vote.

The Greens and New Zealand First are now definitely on Pacific voters’ radar. Continue with the “we cannot do anything because we are in opposition” line opens the door for these parties to give our people hope.

Hope propels people to take action. Hope is a powerful positive self-motivating driver that will get people out to fight for their families and communities.

Until this happens we are seeing National looking to winning a 4th term and Labour’s electorate strongholds are definitely in their sights.

Now back to Misa Fia Turner. If she doesn’t get in through special votes, I’ll wager that a sitting National MP will retire after the first 12-months to allow Misa Fia into parliament.

That move will allow National to establish a beach-head at Mangere two years out from the 2017 elections. For me personally, I never would have thought Labour would lose its historic connection with Samoa, let alone open itself for a beach-head from National, of all parties, to set-up in one of its strongest electorate forts.

For now Pacific islanders have been sentenced to another three years of hard labour. What we need to decide is whether we make peace with our “jailers” or do we rise from despair and inspire one another with hope.

If we do not stand-up then more hardship and pain will come our way. We have always kept silent and respectful in Aotearoa. And just look around at where our respect and hard work has gotten us?

We must take a look at ourselves and find the courage and hope to keep going.
We will never surrender!
We will never give up!
We shall fight in the hope that we and our children are the ones that shall rise up from poverty.
We shall fight for work to be paid fairly.
We shall fight for life where working hard is a life well lived.
We shall fight for a life that is lived in dignity.
We shall fight for a life that is not reliant on welfare.

 

 

“Human rights for citizens to dissent is a critical issue all over the world but it is particularly important in the Pacific and in Aotearoa that we maintain a strong stance on that.” Catherine Delahunty.

Returning Green Party MP Catherine Delahunty joined thousands across Australasia this week protesting against French and local journalists imprisoned by Indonesian authorities in West Papua.

Ms Delahunty told Pacific Guardians she’s protesting because “we believe in human rights and we believe that a genocide is taking place [in West Papua].”

But it’s also out of frustration as it was only in July this year, that all members of parliament, including the government, supported the Green Party’s motion to call on Indonesian President, Joko Widodo, to commit to genuine press freedom in West Papua.

Yet shortly after gaining the unanimous support of parliament, two French journalists, Thomas Dandois and Valentine Burrat, were arrested in West Papua by Indonesian police for allegedly illegally working when on tourist visas.

“The were arrested supposedly for ‘treason’ but we all know they were only trying to make a documentary about the real situation in West Papua. They were interrogated, are still in prison and being threatened with these ridiculous charges.”

Ms Delahunty has continued her call on the New Zealand government to step-in and use its diplomatic resources to advocate for the two French journalists.

But the lack of government response is frustrating.

“This is very frustrating because we have passed this motion for media freedom but the government will not give it teeth,” said Ms Delahunty.

“Without any journalists on the ground, the future for West Papuans and their human rights will continue to be very bleak.

“It is important for New Zealand and Australia to continue to advocate for not only for media freedom in West Papua but also hold Indonesia to account for numerous well documented human rights abuses in West Papua.”

The main push is for New Zealand to become a facilitator in helping West Papua gain its independence. The push therefore is to put pressure on the New Zealand government to put pressure on Indonesia.

She admitted that gaining greater New Zealand support for West Papua is tough going as awareness of West Papua and its situation gets very little coverage in New Zealand.

“It’s regrettable that we are still at the stage of trying to get New Zealanders to understand where this country is and what its history is. And why we, as neighbours, have a duty of respect to stand up for human rights,” said Ms Delahunty.

“Human rights for citizens to dissent is a critical issue all over the world but it is particularly important in the Pacific and in Aotearoa that we maintain a strong stance on that.”

The lack of awareness thus far caused her to vent in frustration at New Zealand’s mainstream media, with the exception of Radio New Zealand and Pacific Guardians.

“I’m disappointed that apart from a few of you, the majority of journalists in New Zealand act that this is a non story. And I find it disturbing that they spend a lot of time on celebrity politics and leadership spats rather than the fact that actually more people have died in recent weeks, being killed by the military [in West Papua].

“If it was Fiji there would be more coverage. So this kind of silence has to be broken and we’ve got a long way to go to break that silence around West Papua – just in terms of reporting here in New Zealand!”

With the low level of media coverage, Ms Delahunty’s fight will also be tougher this term in parliament with the loss of Hone Harawira and Maryanne Street who were her main supporters in the House.

However, the way forward remains clear, it is about building cross party consensus on West Papua. She is optimistic that some new MPs including new Pacific MPs could join her cause.

“I would say to them that this is an opportunity for solidarity. An opportunity not only to support West Papua but also the emerging groups of young people not only in Auckland but also in Wellington.

“In Auckland they have a group called Oceania Interrupted led by Leilani Salesa and others – so we are seeing the emergence of these youth support and it’s a great opportunity for these MPs to participate and support the work that I’m trying to lead in parliament. And I really hope they will help us put pressure on the government put pressure on Indonesia because that is the main avenue to support West Papua.”

But if that comes to nought, at least she gained some wins on Wednesday this week as the Pacific Student Council from Victoria University joined her protest.

“It was really impressive when I was standing outside of parliament thinking it was just going to be me. And then all these young Pacific people with their banners turned up,” she told Pacific Guardians.

“I was delighted they came down in strength with one of their lecturers Teresia Teaiwa. To me one of the exciting things happening in Aotearoa is the involvement of Pacific young people because for many years, its been a few non-government groups, the extraordinary leadership of Maire Leadbeater in Auckland, that when Pacific youth embrace that it will help grow the movement and put pressure on the government to act.”

The long game is about building a consciousness.

“If we can build up a Pacific consciousness about the West Papuan people, I believe it is really important for our region. There is a need to really support the Pacific Islands Forum (PIF) and Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) to show a lot more courage.

“What we’re up against is the Indonesians having the money to shut down some Melanesian countries who are supportive of West Papua, which is a very, very sad thing for West Papua. But it means we need to build that solidarity in every setting that we can.

“This issue cannot stay under the radar. We are making traction internationally but on the ground, the suffering continues.”

In a report from Radio New Zealand earlier today, Vanuatu’s West Papua Unification Committee has confirmed its conference in Port Vila on the 4th of December following the National Day and flag raising ceremony on 1 December.

The conference is to provide an avenue for the different groupings in West Papua to come to an agreement on a unified bid for membership in the MSG.

A formal membership application by the West Papua National Coalition for Liberation was knocked back by the MSG earlier this year, whose leaders called for a more representative bid.

 

 

Immigration New Zealand (INZ) today signed a contract with Downer New Zealand Ltd to carry out the rebuild of the Mangere Refugee Resettlement Centre in South Auckland.

The plan to rebuild the centre was approved by the Government as part of the Refugee Resettlement Strategy in 2013. The Strategy is aimed at delivering better outcomes for refugees being resettled in New Zealand, including increasing the number of refugees in paid employment, increasing their educational achievement and also reducing their long-term dependency on welfare services.

INZ General Manager Settlement, Protection and Attraction Steve McGill says the centre plays a crucial role in helping refugees adapt to their new life in New Zealand but the current facility has exceeded its economic life.

“Improving the centre will help achieve the goals of the Refugee Resettlement Strategy by helping improve the experience of refugees and asylum seekers during their six week stay at Mangere when they first enter New Zealand and help to better prepare them for New Zealand life and their move into the community,” Mr McGill says.  “The current facility accommodates up to 160 individuals who typically spend six weeks onsite where they receive a range of services including improved orientation, English language classes, health screening and mental health support to help refugees resettle.

“A preliminary design for a new and improved facility can accommodate up to 196 beds,” Mr McGill says.

“The build of the new centre will be staged to enable business-as-usual operations to continue during the construction period. The arrangement is aimed at seeing all of the new buildings being operational at the refugee centre in late 2016,” Mr McGill says.

The rebuild project will resolve the existing facility limitations by:
•         contracting with the private sector to design and construct a new centre;
•         consolidating the administration and communal areas at the centre into a new, purpose-built administration block which meets the requirements of a centralised reception programme;
•         providing new, purpose-built accommodation blocks; and
•         re-orientating the onsite buildings to make better use of the available land and provide additional capacity if required .

Source: Immigration New Zealand